Mahejabeen, the Unwed Widow, short story by Babul Nasar

Mahejabeen, the Unwed Widow, short story by Babul Nasar

The Profiteer College, thy name is shame!

The Profiteer College, thy name is shame!

Tanveer Taavri

28 May 2010

Mendacity, deception, fraud, eternally the same;

The institution par excellence, the owners claim;

Low intellect, corrupt means and all, its premise,

Rhetoric on Vince te Ipsum, vendors’ phony aim;

Scholar dumb, surplus elsewhere, slaves on sale,

Wisdom looted day in, day out, profiteers’ game;

Fake academics in long queue, all for obeisance,

Hired for bending, not for teaching, nor acclaim;

Education hub, knowledge citadel, on grand sale,

Blossoming Mind Destroyer, BMD, its real name;

Botched system, daddies, academia, Indian polity,

All blind, deaf, dumb to shrieks of shame, shame!

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Talaq, talaq, talaq: A Confusing Bill

By

S.K.T. Nasar

(Address: Flat-202, Khaspur Cooperative Housing Society, Plot-AA-170, Street no. - 64, Action Area-1A, New Town, Kolkata-700156; Mobile: +91 9433560830)

Hot topic

The Supreme Court of India set aside the practice of instant triple talaq. Other issues connected with Muslim Personal law will be adjudicated soon. As a sequel, The Government of India introduced a new Bill in Lok Sabha. The matter was quickly deliberated and the Bill was adopted. All proposed amendments were rejected. The Bill is pending in Rajya Sabha for deliberation. A new Law on instant triple talaq will soon become reality after the Bill is adopted by Rajya Sabha. The Bill needs public scrutiny based on official documents available in public domain excluding those on Parliamentary debates and the din outside.

SC Judgment

The Bill is a consequence of the judicial review and verdict by the apex court. Honourable Supreme Court of India, on 22 August 2017, set aside the practice of ‘talaq-e-biddat’ – triple talaq.  Triple talaq is three pronouncements of talaq at one and the same time by a married Muslim husband leaving no scope for reconciliation between legally wedded husband and wife. The five-judge bench was split on the issue. The order was passed by a majority of 3:2 in view of the different opinions recorded in the judgment.

The Bench at the outset decided to limit its consideration only to “‘talaq-e-biddat’ – triple talaq” in view the factual aspect and the complicated questions that came up in this matter. It was further decided that issues in other connected cases such as polygamy, ‘halala’ and allied matters would be dealt with separately. The Bench also felt that the determination of the present controversy on triple talaq shall coincidentally provide answers to the connected issues.

Contentions of opposing parties and submissions by learned counsels are recorded as a common piece. Three separate judgments have been written. The first is recorded by Mr. Justice Kurian Joseph, the second jointly signed by Mr. Justice Rohinton Fali Nariman and Mr. Justice Uday Umesh Lalit and the third one is jointly endorsed by Chief Justice of India Mr. Justice Jagdish Singh Khehar and Mr. Justice S. Abdul Nazeer. The first and second judgments are clubbed together in agreement. The third judgment differs in conclusion. The operative Order has been signed by all the five justices.

The Order of the Court reads as: “In view of the different opinions recorded, by a majority of 3:2 the practice of ‘talaq-e-biddat’ – triple talaq is set aside”. In effect, the provision of ‘talaq-e-biddat’ – triple talaq stands removed from ‘The Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, 1937’.

The Bench was split even on the one issue of triple talaq that it considered. Despite being split, the judgment is a must-read informative document. The judgment takes one on a fascinating study tour of places, eras, legislations in diverse countries, books, Shariat laws, kaleidoscope of talaq types, verses of the Holy Quran and court judgments.

The Bill

Honourable Supreme Court has merely set aside “‘talaq-e-biddat’ – triple talaq” for six months hoping that an appropriate legislation shall be in place within this time frame. The Government of India leapt many steps forward proposing to make the pronouncement of ‘talaq, talaq, talaq’ instantly as a grave criminal offence. Instead of only amending the existing ‘The Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, 1937’ to the extent of deleting triple talaq from law, the Union Government brought in an innovative Bill standing apart  from the Shariat Act.

On 15 December 2017, Government of India introduced “The Muslim women (protection of rights on marriage) Bill, 2017” in Lok Sabha. This four-page Bill (Bill No. 247 of 2017) is comparatively a short document for interested readers. The most relevant portions are highlighted. 

Chapter II of the Bill has the sub-heading of ‘Declaration of talaq to be void and illegal’. Section-3 of this chapter reads as: “Any pronouncement of talaq by a person upon his wife, by words, either spoken or written or in electronic form or in any other manner whatsoever, shall be void and illegal. Section-4 declares that “Whoever pronounces talaq referred to in section 3 upon his wife shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years and fine.”

Chapter III is captioned as “Protection of rights of married Muslim women. Section-5 declares “Without prejudice to the generality of the provisions contained in any other law for the time being in force, a married Muslim woman upon whom talaq is pronounced, shall be entitled to receive from her husband such amount of subsistence allowance for her and dependent children as may be determined by the Magistrate. A married Muslim woman shall be entitled to custody of her minor children in the event of pronouncement of talaq by her husband, in such manner as may be determined by the Magistrate (Section-6). An offence punishable under this Act shall be cognizable and non-bailable within the meaning of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 as per Section-7 of the Bill.

The Bill aims at protecting the rights of married Muslim women and prohibiting divorce by instantaneously pronouncing talaq thrice by their husbands and matters connected with or incidental to this practice. Here, talaq means talaq-e-biddat or any other similar form of talaq having the effect of instantaneous and irrevocable divorce pronounced by a Muslim husband upon his duly wedded wife.

The Bill also proposes that the married Muslim woman upon whom talaq is pronounced, shall be entitled to receive from her husband such amount of subsistence allowance for her and dependent children as may be determined by the designated First Class Magistrate. She shall also be entitled to custody of her minor children in such manner as may be determined by the Magistrate of the exercising jurisdiction over the area where a married Muslim woman resides under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973. Moreover, pronouncement of triple talaq shall be a cognisable and non-bailable offence under this Act within the meaning of the said CrPC. Such offence shall attract punishment of a jail term for three years and fine, meaning thereby that if the convicted Muslim husband fails to pay the fine shall be liable for an extended jail term. Provisions of the Bill shall extend to the whole of India except the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Bill has been quickly discussed and passed by Lok Sabha on 28 December 2017. The Bill is now being deliberated by Rajya Sabha. The outcome is eagerly awaited.

Issues radiating from the Bill

The Bill shows ambiguities on a closer look. Relevant aspects are enumerated below.

The Bill proposes a new law without reference to the existing ‘The Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, 1937’, its amendments or substitutions. This leaves scope for confusion. The Shariat Act is in operation about which the Bill is silent. The two laws – one, the Shariat Act, 1937 and the other law when the Bill, 2017 becomes an Act - shall be operative concomitantly in respect of triple talaq. The Shariat Act needs to be amended to the extent required.  

The Bill makes instant pronouncement of talaq three times is ‘void and illegal’. In law, void means of no legal effect. An action, document or transaction which is ‘void’ is of no legal effect whatsoever. Void is an absolute nullity, and the law treats it as if it had never existed or happened. An action which is 'void' having no effect whatsoever can neither be legal or illegal for the simple reason that it does not or did not exist. Triple talaq can only be either ‘void’ or ‘illegal’; it cannot be both at the same time. The Bill leaves scope for confusion.

Since the pronouncement of ‘talaq-e biddat’ - triple talaq is void and, thereby, of no consequence whatsoever, the marital status of the legally married Muslim husband and wife wedded by ‘nikah’ shall continue to exist. The talaq which is legally ‘void’ doesn't affect the marriage and the right of spouses to conjugal life remains unaltered. The legally ordained right and duty of the spouses to conjugal life with cohabitation is severely dented. The provision of reconciliation for restoration of marriage is irrevocably crushed. Imprisonment of the husband pronouncing the ‘void’ triple talaq, in accordance with provisions of the Bill, in effect infuses legal effect to the ‘void’ talaq. The Bill proposes to make a legally ‘void’ talaq effective and operative in practice. This aspect calls for review.

‘Talaq-e biddat’ – triple talaq shall not impact the status of marriage-by-nikah and conjugal life of the spouses. The marriage continues unaffected with all provisos intact.  The marriage-by-nikah is a civil contract; it is not sacrosanct. However, instant pronouncement of triple talaq can, at best, be seen as definite intention of the Muslim husband to divorce his wife. The intentioned talaq that cannot happen or be effective in any manner has been made a criminal offence attracting imprisonment and fine. It is baffling that the Bill criminalises an ineffective intention to breach a civil contract of Muslim marriage-by-nikah. It needs examination by legal experts if triple talaq is an ineffectual intention to divorce, and if such ineffectual intention to breach a civil contract is a criminal offence.

Future scenario

Rhetoric shall intensify if the Bill is not converted by Rajya Sabha into a flawless “The Muslim women (protection of rights on marriage) Act, 2018”. There is more to come. Some other provisions in the Muslim Personal Laws are going to be adjudicated by the Honourable Supreme Court. New Laws will be made. It is time for all stake holders to discuss the issues without individual or group prejudices.

In any case, the Bill that is the Law-to-be shall continue to baffle future litigants, legal luminaries, the justice delivery system and the public at large. Prestige and status of both Sunni and Shia Muslim Personal Law Boards is at stake. Dar-ul Qazas will lose sheen on matters of triple talaq. Implementation of the Law shall face hurdles as is the situation with most personal laws. Innovative methods to bypass the law will emerge. Unforeseen scenarios may popup.

Nevertheless, once the Law is in force, it must be implemented by all in utmost fairness.

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तुम से मिल ना पाऊँगा!

तुम से मिल ना पाऊँगा!

तुम्हारी महफ़िल से मैं जब चला जाऊँगा

लाख बुलाओगे , तो भी नहीं आ  पाऊँगा

नहीं मालूम, तब मैं किस जहाँ में रहूँगा

तारीकी सही, तुम्हें तो भुला ना पाऊँगा!

सफ़र-ए ज़ीस्त तुम्हारा साथ, किया खूब

तुम मेरे रहे और मैं तुम्हारा, किया कहना

चाहत जन्नति लम्हों की होगी ता क़यमत

कसक है,  लिज़्ज़तों को चूम ना पाऊँगा!

इंतेज़ार आमद की तुम्हारी, फैलाए हाथ

हूरों की क़तार से तुम्हें बस चुन ही लूँगा

दौज़ख़ी तनवीर, जन्नत तेरे नसीब कहाँ

ब-दुआ रहूँगा, तुम से मिल ना पाऊँगा!

THE MIRROR DEMANDS MY FACE OF YEARS GONE BY!

SKT Nasar

I was suddenly reminded of the first stanza of a soulful song of ‘Daddy’, a Hindi movie. The canto is: “Ayeena Mujh Se Meri Pahli Si Surat Mange”. The title is a crude transliteration of the opening line of the song because nothing else would better describe my plight when reminded of my yester years. In case you disagree, stand before a mirror to see if the mirror solicits you to present your earlier face.  

Soumya, grandson of Professor Sachchidanand Dardhans alias (Late) Sachchu Babu of TNB College, thereby my grandson too, visited us with sister and parents the other day. This shiny eyed cute boy is a student of Narayna School at New Town, Kolkata.  This school, inter alia, trains students for admission to an Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) when the time comes. Soumya is eagerly waiting to be an IITian when his time comes; and his time would come after 5 or so years from now. I am so glad that a boy this tiny has worthy ambitions. I pray from the depths of my heart for his success.

So far, so good! During our gossiping session, it was pointed out to Soumya that I happened to be a former IITian of Kharagpur. The lovely schoolboy was first awestruck. His large shiny eyes surveyed me from head to toe at least three times. Finally, Soumya blinked in total disagreement. His judgment shocked me. He did not speak yet his silence screamed that I, with my haggard face, could not have been an IITian. I labored hard to convince Soumya that I was, in fact, an IITian. He seemed to reject the argument. I was as persistent as Soumya. I showed him my Ph. D. thesis to make him agree. I realised later that it was plain stupid of me to show a doctoral dissertation to a school going kid to convince that I am an ex-IITian. Real idiotic of me! It is easy to convince a court of law than to make an intelligent child to believe in my IITian past.

A child’s eye is a mirror that innocently reflects back to you the factual image of the real you. The mirror showed me the fact that I might have been an IITian in the years gone by; I am not an IITian now. The mirror commands me to show the IITian face; no excuses. I am aware that I have been working and studying hard, unmistakably harder than during my years at IIT (Kharagpur). Yet, the spark is missing. The child-mirror demands of me to regain that spark and retain it till I breathed last. This is a reminder to all IITians, and to all those who might have had past achievements to regain, retain and hone their weakening skills.

Let us not forget for a moment that the child-mirror is incessantly reflecting our image. Thank you child-mirror, for seeking my face of years gone by!

Bihar Assembly Elections 2015

Bihar Assembly Elections 2015: The future awaits long-term outcome!

By

S.K.T. Nasar

Kolkata

Many nicknamed Bihar Assembly Elections 2015 as Mini-General Election of India. This rubric proved right at the end of the process. Now that Bihar Elections are over, it is time to dispassionately revisit this outstanding show. Unfortunately, even a truly dispassionate account would not be seen as unbiased in the present charged din. The good news, however, is that there was no violent strife throughout the extravaganza. The Election Commission of India (ECI) ordered re-polling in only two booths. Parliamentary democracy has triumphed! The people of Bihar have won. Bihar has shown the way forward to India.

Bharatya Janta Party (BJP) propelled its campaign on a hyperbole. Their campaign was spearheaded by Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi and BJP President Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah. Only they were in public view. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) provided logistics from back stage in the early days; the veil blew off in later phases.

The grand alliance alias mahagathbandhan of Janta Dal (United) [JDU], Rashtrya Janta Dal (RJD) and Indian National Congress (INC) was unexpected because these three political formations were on war with each other until their coming together for Bihar elections. The notion of their joining hands appeared to be ridiculous and unsustainable. Electioneering by BJP-RSS was based on consideration that the mahagathbandhan was too fragile to fall apart even before ECI announced the elections. This assumption proved to be a grievous error of political judgment.

BJP-RSS entered the election fray as National Democratic Alliance (NDA) with smaller parties such as Lok Jan Shakti Party (LJSP/LJP) of Union Minister Ram Vilas Paswan, Bihar Rashtriya Lok Samta Party (RLSP) headed by Upendra Kushwaha, Jitan Ram Manjhi-led Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) [HAM(S)], Sampurna Vikas Dal (SVD) captained by Ranjan Prasad Yadav and the likes who had dissociated on personal grudge rather than ideology with either JD(U) or RJD.        

Nitish Kumar (JDU) was the sitting Chief Minister of Bihar at the launch of mahagathbandhan. Lalu Prasad Yadav (RJD) was, and still is banned from contesting elections for some more time to come. One-time friends, they were foes. Both rooted in Bihar have a vast experience of Bihar politics and chief ministership of the state. The foes-turned-friends have the know-how of national politics. They have both been well known as very effective and extremely assertive Union Cabinet Ministers. Calling them as mere caste leaders of Bihar would be erroneous. Mulayam Singh Yadav, the undisputed leader and founder of Samajwadi Party (SP) and Sonia Gandhi (INC) joined JD (U)-RJD coalition a bit late but nevertheless with enthusiasm. Thus the JD (U)-RJD-INC-SP combination was called the mahagathbandhan, the mega coalition. SP pulled out of mahagathbandhan when seat sharing was underway. JD (U) sacrificed 15 seats of 115 sitting Members of Legislative Assembly at that point in time. RJD was the winner in seat shares.  The final tally of seats to be contested was 100 (JDU):100 (RJD):40 (INC). The mahagathbandhan stood like one rock throughout the great election process. Mahagathbandhan was resurgent.

Composition of parties in NDA and mahagathbandhan was too confusing for common voters, but public has innovative ways to sort out issues. The common man recognised only two formations – BJP for NDA and mahagathbandhan for Nitish-Lalu duo. It was as if a two party election was being held! Communist parties for reasons known only to them entered the elections as one block independent of the two major formations. Communists were largely ignored by the electorate. All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) founded by Asaduddin Owaisi put candidates in Muslim majority border areas i.e. Seemanchal districts but failed to win a single seat.

BJP-RSS family, the Parivar was overconfident and arrogant. Modi-Shah campaign was of lowly quality that was countered by Lalu head on. Modi had begun the campaign with the development agenda but without actionable plans for Bihar. Modi-Shah knew only Gujrat. Nitish-Lalu knew their Bihar. Modi’s Gujrat-model development agenda was demolished point to point with facts, figures and actionable approach for Bihar by Nitish. Modi was eloquent yet changing course of rhetoric. Nitish was lacklustre yet widely perceived to be honest, serious and consistent. INC of Sonia-Rahul struggled to climb up the electoral ladder yet was given due importance within mahagathbandhan. BJP-RSS, on the other hand, made Sushil Modi, a long-time active leader, play errand boy to Modi-Shah. Patrons of BJP such as L.K. Advani, M.M. Joshi and Jaswant Singh as also BJP leaders from Bihar were conspicuous by their absence during electioneering. Famous and experienced leaders such as C. P. Thakur and Shatrughna Sinha were not allowed by BJP to be seen in public. Thus, ‘Bihar’ was completely absent from BJP campaigning; ‘Gujrat’ and ‘RSS’ over dominated the scene. Bihar electors refused to buy this idea.

The tenor of campaigning was obnoxious from the beginning. Expressions such as ‘bad DNA’, ‘shaitan’ (devil), ‘brhmapishach’ (devil incarnate), ‘narbakhchi’ (cannibal) et cetera have left a clinging bitter taste. Suddenly, the inhuman lynching of Akhlaque by a mob at Dadri based on manufactured rumor that he had kept beef in his refrigerator took the centre stage. Then on cow and beef became the preferred rhetoric. Agenda of development were sidelined and finally abandoned. Unprintable expletives were freely exchanged. The mainstay of BJP-RSS collectively called the Sangh Parivar has always been anti-Muslim and hate-Muslim formula. This ideology not only pervaded Bihar electioneering but resorted to a fierce propaganda during the campaign. Mahagathbandhan were prepared for it; the Nitish-Lalu-Sonia   trio worked quietly among the masses notwithstanding the liberal use of electronic social media. Prashant Kishore, who had formulated strategies for Narendra Modi to win the 2014 Parliamentary elections, was hired by Nitish to assist JDU for the Bihar assembly elections 2015. Nitish matched Modi in the use of social media and surpassed the latter in placing developments achieved and developmental strategy for Bihar. Lalu consolidated the communities of Muslim-Yadav (MY), other backward castes (OBCs) and extremely backward castes (EBCs) in his typical style; his supporters campaigned door to door. Sonia-Rahul provided a national touch to mahagathbandhan. Thus, mahagathbandhan succeeded in connecting Bihar with India while the NDA harped on Gujrat state and the still-awaited achche din (good days) for India and for Bihar. Mahagathbandhan penetrated deep among masses. NDA hovered over Bihar.

The five-phase polling was remarkable thanks to Bihar electorate. Violence was not reported from anywhere. India waited for the counting of votes on 8 November 2015. India was glued on that day to television and radio since the morning as never before. Channel after TV channel began with reports of sweeping NDA victory. Mobile phones were busy and calls crisscrossed for over four hours. NDA supporters around India began bursting crackers, playing holi and exchanging laddus. Paid national channels enthusiastically showed this tamasha. Expert panelists and psephologists appeared on the screen to boast how real their predictions were and began talking about the post-election achche din. The merry making by NDA and hauling of always-on-TV experts suddenly stopped. Something grossly devastating appeared to have happened. ETV-Bihar was, however, reporting the true picture. National Channels were fooling viewers in India and beyond with lies. They took about four hours in coming to terms with the reality. And, the reality was that Mahagathbandhan, not NDA was wining Assembly seats. Shameless paid National TV channels never apologised to viewers for such unpardonable goof up. Here was the first disgraceful national fallout of Bihar elections. By noon time the results were becoming clearer. The rest is history. The final tally of seats won was: Mahagathbandhan-178 seats won {80(RJD)+71[JD(U)]+27(INC)}; NDA-58 seats won {BJP(53)+RLSP(2)+LJSP(2)+HAM(S)(1)}and Others-7 seats won [CPI (L)(3)+Independents(4). Mahagathbandhan turned out to be the winner.

The swearing in of the new government of Nitish Kumar on 20 November 2015 was gala. About two lakh persons had gathered at Gandhi Maidan, the most prominent venue in Patna where Quit India Movement of 1942 was launched and where Jaiprakash Narayan embarked on his total revolution. The new government formation was undoubtedly a national event. Party leaders from across the country such as Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Sharad Yadav, Sharad Pawar, Deve Gowda, Rahul Gandhi, Faruque Abdullah, Sitaram Yechuri, representatives of Dravid Munetra Kazhagham (DMK), Shiv Sena and Akali Dal et cetera were present alongside the Chief Ministers of nine states and one former Prime Minister. Two of his cabinet and BJP colleagues M. Venkaiah Naidu and Rajiv Pratap Rudy represented Prime Minister Modi. This list is long and dignitaries represented the whole of the country.

Bihar Governor Ram Nath Kovind administered the oath of office. Nitish Kumar took oath as the Chief Minister of Bihar for the fifth time. Tejaswi Kumar, the second son of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi both former Chief Minister of Bihar, joined the Cabinet and tipped to be the Deputy Chief Minister. Tej Pratap Yadav, younger brother of Tejaswi, inducted as a cabinet minister while taking the oath of Office, mispronounced a word that would convey the antonym of the right word. The Governor intervened and corrected Tej Pratap. It was apparent that Lalu had salvoed the first shot. Nitish has the backing of 71 JDU MLAs. Lalu has 80 RJD MLAs. Sonia has 27 INC MLAs. Sushil Modi of BJP has the support of 58 NDA MLAs.

Lalu is likely to, and in most probability will derail the governance of Nitish. BJP-RSS think tank is now chanting that the whole affair was restricted only to Bihar elections; nothing to do with either the Union Government or the national BJP leadership. India thinks otherwise.
We are watching with fingers crossed!

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Fading Romance of Rimjhim

A short commentary

By

SKT Nasar ‘Babul’

Arrival of monsoon is eagerly awaited when scorching summer is intolerable. And, with the prayers rewarded, we passionately embrace the joy of monsoon. Dusty settlements and parched crop fields dance with relief. Apparently lifeless vegetation suddenly jumps back to life, spreading a carpet of soothing green everywhere.  Organisms from miniscule bacteria to large trees to gigantic whales start proclaiming that life is beautiful; life is not extinguished, after all!

Rimjhim, the monsoon drizzle sprouts romance all around. The thirsty soil produces a fragrance unmatched by branded perfumes in sheer ecstasy when the first rain drops kiss it. Young people get soaked in rainwater so their skin-clinging clothes highlight contours to attract adoring attention of the other gender. Love stories are set in motion. Intoxication of rimjhim continues through the entire rainy season running well into deep winter.

Jhamjham, a heavy downpour, produces twists to the romance of rimjhim. Birds find shelters; so do domestic animals. Burrowing animals stay put in underground perches. Romancing couples sprint for secluded lodging, lonelier the better. Children run to the open to splash muddy water, to swim in mud, to float little paper-boats on streaming water. Family Moms are like angry birds, worrying about the daughter in school, the college going son loafing around, her romantic husband flirting someone. Family oldies try to find comfortable postures in vain. Romantic gestures by the old man are rebuffed by his old lady. In frustration, the old man prevents younger members from rejoicing the rains; he had done through his life. Is it jealousy? Yes, of course!

Jhamajham is the category of torrential rains. Only farmer-tillers are coaxed into action. They rush to crop fields with cattle and ploughs. Affluent folks stay put in cosy homes, sipping hot drinks. Water logging in metropolises brings life to a halt. Jhamajham for several days in a row is a sign of oncoming floods.

Cloud bursts that cause excessive rains in short spells wash away all romance; it could be a sign of disasters especially in mountain slopes. Acid rains are scary. Rare blood-red rain fills everyone with fear; hearts and minds are left with no room for romance.

Seasonality of rains with connected romance is fast disappearing. Global warming, unprecedented carbon footprints and climate change are blamed for the distress. Are we, or the extraterrestrial humanoids, responsible for the malaise? Our forefathers passed on to us the romance of monsoon. We, the present generation of humanity are gifting to our children, our children’s children, their children a mother earth devoid of the romance of rimjhim. Yet, oldsters shed crocodile tears on the fading romance of rimjhim.

Let humanity join hands to reverse the processes of disastrous climate change. Let humanity revive the fading romance of rimjhim.